In Africa, Palestine’s statehood has been a near-continental cause for decades. Yet Eritrea and Cameroon remain conspicuous outliers, clinging to Israel in a move analysts say reflects raw calculations of survival and strategy rather than principle.
At the United Nations General Assembly last week, country after country recognized a Palestinian state. Britain, Canada, Australia, France, and Malta joined the growing chorus, raising the total number of UN member states recognizing Palestine to 157, which constitutes more than 80 percent of the world’s member states.
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For Africa, the development was less dramatic. Most of its 54 states recognized Palestine long ago, making the continent one of the most consistent supporters of Palestinian self-determination. Thirty-eight African states also voted in favor of a Gaza ceasefire at the UN last year.
Yet Cameroon and Eritrea remain outliers. They alone refuse to recognize Palestine, clinging to alliances with Israel even as global opinion shifts.
Analysts say their stance shows how security, survival, and leadership interests can outweigh both continental solidarity and international consensus.
Cameroon’s long embrace of Israel
“There really isn’t a continental consensus per se because recognition of Palestine is at the national level and a bilateral issue. That said, Africa overwhelmingly supports Palestine with formal recognition of Palestinian statehood because it’s a legacy issue about decolonization and imperialism,” Ovigwe Eguegu, Peace and Security Policy Lead at Development Reimagined, told Al Arabiya English.
He added: “The lack of recognition of Palestine by Cameroonian leadership can be understood through the lens of interests rather than principles or an outright rejection of Palestinian statehood.”
Cameroon’s stance dates back to the mid-1980s. In 1986, President Paul Biya, who has ruled since 1982, restored diplomatic ties with Israel, defying the broader African trend.
Nearly every other African country severed relations in 1973 under Arab League pressure following the Yom Kippur War, also known as the 1973 Arab-Israeli War.
Since then, Israeli influence in Cameroon has grown. Advisors and private contractors have played a crucial role in training and equipping the elite Rapid Intervention Battalion, commonly referred to by its French acronym, BIR. This unit has been deployed against Boko Haram in the north and against separatist rebels in the Anglophone regions.
Eguegu argues that Cameroon’s foreign policy is less about ideology and more about regime survival.
“The threats from terrorist organizations like Boko Haram and secessionist forces faced by Cameroon are not unique and are shared by neighboring countries like Nigeria and the Central African Republic, and those countries recognize Palestine,” he said.
That survival calculus has shaped Biya’s response to the Israel-Palestine conflict. When Hamas attacked Israel on October 7, 2023, he was among the first African leaders to send condolences to Israeli President Isaac Herzog, condemning Hamas and expressing sympathy for Israeli victims.
His statement made no mention of Palestinian civilians killed in Gaza by Israeli strikes.
The position stood in stark contrast to that of the AU, which described the war as the outcome of Israel’s “denial of the fundamental rights of the Palestinian people.” Biya did not budge.
Eritrea’s diplomatic loneliness
While Cameroon’s ties to Israel are rooted in dependence, Eritrea’s relationship is shaped by isolation.
Since gaining independence from Ethiopia in 1993, President Isaias Afwerki has ruled one of the world’s most closed political systems, often dubbed “Africa’s North Korea.”
Relations with the West have deteriorated over human rights abuses and, more recently, Eritrea’s involvement in Ethiopia’s civil war. The country also maintains tense relations with several neighbors, including Sudan and Djibouti.
On the international stage, Eritrea frequently abstains or sides with Israel during UN votes, disregarding the AU’s consensus.
Unlike most African nations, it has never recognized Palestine. While the government in Asmara rarely explains its foreign policy publicly, officials reportedly view Israel as a partner that understands Eritrea’s delicate position along the Red Sea.
Dr. Abel Abate Demissie, an associate fellow at the Chatham House Africa Program, said Eritrea’s decision not to recognize Palestine was puzzling to many. One reason, he told Al Arabiya English, is that Eritrea has often sought to demonstrate solidarity with Palestine, particularly since gaining observer status in the Arab League in 2003.
“Eritrea presents itself as a supporter of countries with similar situations to Palestine. However, it has chosen to refrain from formally recognizing the Palestinian state so far. It is challenging to explain the valid reasons behind Eritrea’s decision,” he said.
Africa’s growing support for Palestine
That position has grown increasingly conspicuous as African states press for greater recognition of Palestine.
South Africa has taken the lead, drawing on its own apartheid history to frame the war in Gaza.
The AU has welcomed Palestinian leaders as honored guests, while deliberately excluding Israeli delegations from recent summits.
Even countries that maintain close relations with Israel, such as Kenya and Ghana, have consistently backed Palestinian resolutions at the United Nations.
Still, neither Eritrea nor Cameroon wields enough diplomatic weight for their positions to be seen as representative of Africa’s broader stance, noted geopolitical analyst Ovigwe Eguegu.
“The issue of recognition of a state is a bilateral matter; therefore, the AU cannot put pressure on Cameroon,” he said.
“Also, Palestinian statehood is not a priority issue in Cameroon’s internal political debate, so a change in stance is likely to be catalyzed by external actors or factors,” he added.